The referendum in Greece is asking a deeper question about dissent: do we have to conform in order to belong?

Protesters gather on Syntagma Square in the centre of Athens. Photograph: Syntagma sqr @ 3-Jul-15 via photopin (license) (cropped)

Last week's deadlines for Greece to secure the money it needed, to pay what was due to its creditors, came and went without a deal (Traynor et al, 2015). Even with the deadlines being pushed back, and the future of the Eurozone in the balance, no agreement was found.

Without alerting his European creditors first, Prime Minister of Greece Alexis Tsipras, of the Radical Left Syriza party, subsequently announced his intention to hold a referendum on whether Greece should reject or accept the austerian terms to which Greece have been expected to conform (Traynor, 2015). It was a decision that has been treated as controversial by those who reject his party's anti-austerity agenda.

But this referendum stands for even more than whether to say no, or say yes and submit to austerity. The big question that will hang over the whole referendum concerns the right to dissent.

Syriza's election victory, on a manifesto that promised an end to austerity has already been opposed by Europe's economically conservative elite (Lapavitsas, 2015). Pressure has again now been exerted by them to ensure a result favourable to their priorities at the referendum (BBC, 2015).

This struggle between Greece and its creditors - between their conflicting ideological aims - forces us to ask whether, in order to belong and take part, must we always toe the same narrow line as everybody else, or do we have the right to disagree and yet remain?

There is a strong feeling on the Left think that, as far as the Right are concerned, the answer they're receiving is no. Voices on the Left have criticised Eurozone policy towards Greece as an ideological crusade designed to inflict humiliation upon a country for deviating from, and posing a threat to, a particular political script (Williams, 2015). The Left have also faced opposition within Greece, where former Prime Ministers have joined the Yes campaign (Smith, 2015).

Meanwhile there has been support from the Left for the difficult game that Alexis Tsipras and his finance minister Yanis Varoufakis are playing (Elliott, 2015), presenting themselves as reasonable, responsible reformists. Back in 2013, Tsipras made clear his wish to save Europe, to reform it back onto its old path of democratic co-ordination and co-operation (Horvat, 2013; Tsipras & Zizek, 2013).

Even with the referendum looming, Greece's leaders have continued to try and squeeze out a negotiated deal (Rankin, 2015). As they have struggled to find a deal, there has been a show of support even in the UK, which has seen anti-austerity protests in solidarity with Greece and the creation of a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for a bail out (The Guardian, 2015; Feeney, 2015).

There have also been efforts to demonstrate the theoretical validity of Syriza's position of opposition to austerity, by exposing the failures of the austerian approach (Fazi, 2015). Even the IMF, one of Greece's creditors, has admitted that the debts of Greece are unsustainable without greater support and, effectively, and end to the pure austerity approach (Khan, 2015).

In the face of these arguments, there have been the first signs of a softening towards the hardship in Greece from their major opponents, represented by the German finance minister Wolfgang Schauble who said that Greek people would not be left 'in the lurch' (Hooper, 2015).

However, compassion in the face of suffering is one thing - and important. But tolerance and acceptance of difference is also essential. Greece has a right to dissent that has not been respected - a right to refuse the conditions with which it has been presented and yet remain a part of the Eurozone, and the European Union.

Underlying this referendum will be the question of whether the European powers will respect the democratic will of the people of Greece should there be a no vote - and austerity be again rejected. If that decision is respected, then there may yet be hope for Europe. It might still become a truly democratic place, with the necessary space for dissenting and alternative voices.

References

Ian Traynor, Jennifer Rankin & Helena Smith's 'Weekend deadline for Greece after negotiations draw blank'; in The Guardian; 25 June 2015.

Ian Traynor's 'Tsipras's shock call for vote on Greek bailout sets day of destiny for Europe'; in The Guardian; 27 June 2015.

Costas Lapavitsas' 'To beat austerity, Greece must break free from the euro'; in The Guardian; 2 March 2015.

'Greece debt talks: EU chief feels 'betrayed''; on the BBC; 29 June 2015.

Zoe Williams' 'The moral crusade against Greece must be opposed'; in The Guardian; 28 June 2015.

Helena Smith's 'Former Greece PMs throw support behind yes vote ahead of referendum'; in The Guardian; 2 July 2015.

Larry Elliott's 'Alexis Tsipras: Mr Reasonable seizes the initiative from Project Fear'; in The Guardian; 30 June 2015.

Srecko Horvat's 'The easiest way to the Gulag is to joke about the Gulag'; on Open Democracy; 31 May 2013.

Alexis Tsipras & Slavoj Zizek; 'The Role of the European Left'; at the Zagreb Subversive Festival 2013; from SkriptaTV on YouTube; 15th May 2013.

Jennifer Rankin's 'Greek debt: Merkel dismisses Tsipras's last-ditch compromise plan'; in The Guardian; 1 July 2015.

'Protesters in Britain urge cancellation of Greece's debts on eve of referendum'; in The Guardian; 4 July 2015.

Thom Feeney's 'Why I set up the Greek bailout crowdfund'; in The Guardian; 1 July 2015.

Thomas Fazi's 'The troika saved banks and creditors – not Greece'; on Open Democracy; 25 January 2015.

Mehreen Khan's 'Greece needs another €50bn bail-out and massive debt relief to survive, admits IMF'; in The Telegraph; 2 July 2015.

John Hooper's 'Greek referendum: Germany says it won’t leave Greece in the lurch'; in The Guardian; 5 July 2015.