For 2015, the job of representing the radical left alternative has fallen upon the Green Party. They made a breakthrough in 2010 by claiming their first parliamentary seat at Brighton Pavilion, and took minority control of Brighton and Hove Council in the local elections of 2011.
The role they've taken on - largely seen to have been held by the Liberal Democrats in 2010 - comes with some benefits. Since their 2010 breakthrough the party has polled as high as 8%, seen its membership rising and secured a podium at the leaders debate. The party is growing and its support is typically younger (Williams, 2015).
The recent surge in support, particularly amongst young people, has come with a focus on social and economic policy, rather than environmental. The Greens' social liberalism and progressive
anti-austerity economics, supporting a £10 living wage, the abolition of tuition fees
and reintroduction of EMA, support for the NHS, and for a Citizen's Income, have been singled out as positive by young members (Gil, 2015).
There is, however, a price for those benefits. They come with greater pressures and scrutiny. There was heavy criticism for party leader Natalie Bennett's performance in a series of interviews (BBC, 2015{1}; LBC, 2015) and scorn has also been poured on the potential cost of some their more radically progressive policies - particularly the Citizen's Income.
Those criticisms have led to some in the party - particularly their only MP and former leader Caroline Lucas - to play down their support for a Citizen's Income in the short term (Riley-Smith, 2015). Yet there are those who think that the policy can be costed practically (Finlay, 2015), and the party has announced that the policy will be in their manifesto (BBC, 2015{2}).
While some of their more radical policies have courted controversy, other ideas have made it into the mainstream. Matching Green support for renationalisation of the railways has been talked about in Labour circles (Ferguson, 2013).
Yet, until we see those principles tested in practice, it is difficult to know how the party will respond when pressure is put upon its priorities. The
only example we can really draw upon is the experience of Brighton and
Hove City Council, which has been under Green Party minority control
since 2011 (Bawden, 2014).
The record of the Green council is marked
with some successes. The Greens have managed to promote the living wage in
Brighton (Harris, 2013). But there have also been controversies.
The party initiated the review of pay that led to potential cuts in the
pay for rubbish-collectors and street-cleaners. Then, Green MP Caroline Lucas supported the
workers when they went on strike against the council. The matter was eventually resolved, but not without marring the Greens reputation with imposing austerity and association with the Conservatives (Hadfield, 2014).
The disputes in Brighton have been suggested to have exposed fault-line splits within the party - between those instinctively leaning more towards Labour, cautious Centrist
compromisers leaning towards the Lib Dems in attitudes, or those leaning towards Eco-Anarchism - although the seriousness of internal rifts have been played down (Chakelian, 2015).
But what the disputes definitely show is a difference within the party between those willing to work within the established system, to negotiate and to compromise - most notably with austerity - and those who stand in a more stark opposition. It is the latter position that will undoubtedly be looked for by the new influx of supporters.
There is a wary parallel to be drawn here with the Liberal Democrats. Like the Lib Dems, they were not really taken seriously until 2010. They too are often dismissed as being too obsessed with a particular policy niche - for the Greens the environment, for the Lib Dems political reform. The big difference comes with the fact that the Lib Dems have always been committed to political compromise and Centrism. Even if they lose some voters who supported them in protest over specific issues or against the establishment parties, they will still have supporters well familiar with consistent long term approach. It is unlikely that the Greens will allowed any such margins.
However, without a major upsurge in voters switching from the many minor left-wing parties, and others switching from Labour and Lib Dems in large numbers, they will likely only do to Labour what UKIP will do to the Tories - split the vote. In doing so, the Greens can still be consistent in their aim to pull Labour leftwards and put themselves in a position to benefit from those disaffected with Labour's drift to the right - a sentiment likely to increase if Labour get into government in May and prop up austerity.
That particular likelihood is considered credible enough that Labour has being warned against the risk of becoming like their Greek equivalent PASOK (Chakrabortty, 2015) - rendered obsolete by complicity with austerity, and surpassed on their Left.
In the present the Greens will focus on picking up seats where they can, finding support for their more moderate policies (Sparrow, 2015) - like an introducing a £10 living wage, support for rolling back NHS marketisation, and pursuing the creation of a progressive alliance, uniting the Green Party, the SNP and Plaid Cymru in a new progressive parliamentary group (Mason, 2015)
Prospects: 5% for 1 seat (no change).*
Potential Coalition Parties: Labour (271 seats), Liberal Democrats (29), SNP (53), Plaid Cymru (3).
Verdict:
High turnout and low seats numbers will put the party on the map and in
a strong position for 2020 - especially if Labour are seen to be toeing
the austerity line.
And the rest on the Left
Beyond the Green Party, the biggest group of note is the Respect Party. Their most prominent figure is George Galloway, former Labour MP and previously Respect MP for Bethnal Green and Bow, who now holds the seat at Bradford West, won in a 2012 bye-election (BBC, 2012).
Respect was formed as a small alliance of minor parties - representing Democratic Socialists, Trade Unionists, Environmentalists, Anti-War activists, and general Leftists - which has achieved some small successes, in twice taking a seat in parliament.
Respect was formed as a small alliance of minor parties - representing Democratic Socialists, Trade Unionists, Environmentalists, Anti-War activists, and general Leftists - which has achieved some small successes, in twice taking a seat in parliament.
The party has however had a history of splits and controversies, including an inamicable split with the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) in 2008 - which itself has faced allegations of, and criticism over the handling of, sexual assault, sexual abuse and rape (Platt, 2014).
As for Respect, despite some continuing internal dissensions (Pidd, 2013), they are still around and likely to focus their attention on only a few seats. Polling suggests they will hold Bradford West, with Birmingham Hall Green being a possible additional target.
Other Left groups include the TUSC and Ken Loach's Left Unity.
