Oldham will be the first preview of who is winning the political battles in the public eye

Oldham will host the first by-election of this parliament, triggered by the death of Labour MP Michael Meacher. It will be a set piece political event that might just offer some small insights into whether party ideas are capturing the public imagination. Photograph: Oldham Town Hall by Mikey (License) (Cropped)

On Wednesday the Conservative fiscal plan for the next four and a half years was laid out by the Chancellor. Complete with politically considered back tracks and U-turns, George Osborne's spending review laid out the cuts, caps, and the phasing out and shifting of burdens that we should expect.

Yet, even with all of this information now on the table, the question of how to oppose the Conservative approach is putting Labour in a bind. Labour are trying, though not too hard, to avoid fall into a civil war - the result of which would almost be that the New Labour faction would be forced to leave the party and could even taking a majority of Jeremy Corbyn's party MPs with them.

These events are all very poignantly timed, as the first test for all sides - an important trial run, almost - is coming on the 3rd December in the form of the Oldham West and Royton by-election. From its result, it will be admittedly difficult to extrapolate anything particularly substantial.

Not until April, and the National Assembly and London Mayoral elections will we see a full appraisal of the response of the country to the election of a Conservative majority, its policies on human rights and austerity, and Jeremy Corbyn's new approach as leader of the Labour Party. Yet next Thursday's by-election might just provide a small preview.

Voters in Oldham will be the first to pass direct comment on what was, effectively, Osborne's third budget of the year. Those that turn out at the polls for the by-election will get a chance to say what they think of the Chancellor's offerings.

Despite the fact that the focus for most people will be on the headline of Osborne's likely-to-be-popular U-turn on Tax Credits (BBC, 2015) - and the U-turn on cuts to police budgets that he tried to pass off as a Labour idea - there were other policies to be found in the spending review.

These policies include the gradual phasing out of tax credits, to be replaced with the less supportive universal credit (Allen et al, 2015); a new cap on housing benefit (Cross, 2015); and the replacement of grants for student nurses with loans (Sims, 2015).

According to the assessment by the independent Institute of Fiscal Studies (IFS), the poorest will be the most heavily impacted by these changes (Allen et al, 2015) - although that is disputed by Conservatives. Critics have also been sure to point out that austerity is far from over (Wearden, 2015). Further cuts or tax rises may even be necessary if Osborne's gamble on the OBR's positive outlook fails to pay off (Peston, 2015).

Osborne's domestic reforms also appear to match the ideas in his recent speech laying out his plan for the European Union - another issue that may well be on voters' minds. For the Conservatives, the aim is clearly for a deregulated EU that is for business (Sparrow, 2015), rather than citizens - reserving free movement only for trade and money.

Leading the progressive opposition at this point should be the Labour Party. However, Jeremy Corbyn's opposition to intervention in Syria (Wintour, 2015), at least in the present terms and under the present conditions, is proving to be just the latest opportunity for a divide to open up between Corbyn, along with his supporters, and the party's mainstream - particularly in the parliamentary party.

It doesn't seem to be helping to quell the dissent of the few - at the moment, at least - in the Labour Party who support intervention, that even Conservative commentators are saying that the UK's most powerful role right now may well be diplomatic rather than military (Davis, 2015).

There is also the likelihood of a hugely significant event on Tuesday, just days before the by-election, when NHS doctors go on strike, to be followed by two more days of action later in December, if renewed negotiations do not achieve enough ground (Tran, 2015).

Politically, ideologically, there is a lot of pressure building. Yet it won't all be about objective analysis of the impact of policies. Politics is also a contest over the popular perception fought in, and often with, the media. In that game, the Conservatives have tended to fare best, and Osborne has managed to make all of the headlines about how he is protecting, for now at least, those already in the system.

What it is essential for progressives to get across, and rally support behind, is that this is something the Chancellor has only achieved through the shifting of burdens and letting new entrants be hit by the deepest cutbacks (Allen et al, 2015, Cross, 2015). Yet it is always difficult to make heard the narrative based on those who will be hurt in theory, when up against a narrative of those will not now be hurt in the present.

As for other progressive opposition parties, like the Greens and the Liberal Democrats, they will just want to be heard and to see a decent turnout. They both risk being drowned out by the larger narratives coalescing around the two big parties, yet there is room for them to still make an impact. For the Greens, the UN climate change summit in Paris puts the environment and clean energy in the public eye (Vaughan, 2015), while the Lib Dems have been vocal in their opposition to the government over human rights and the rights of refugees (Riley-Smith, 2015) - a key pillar in their plan for a 'Lib Dem Fightback'.

However, set piece events like Thursday's by-election only offer a snapshot impression of where the different factions and parties are, relative to each other, and who is hearing the message sent out by who. The big question - which will likely only be answered in subtle shades of grey - will be whether Osborne has succeeded in getting out the message he wants heard, and whether Corbyn's approach can produce in terms of practical results.

Osborne's Fiscal Charter: Keynes argued both a surplus and deficit should have a clear purpose in a balanced economy

George Osborne has succeeded in getting his charter of fiscal responsibility through Parliament, though it has faced opposition. Photograph: The Chancellor with guests at Port of Tilbury on 1 April 2014 by HM Treasury (License) (Cropped)

On Wednesday night, George Osborne succeeded in passing his Fiscal Charter through the Commons - in theory committing governments to achieving a fiscal surplus in 'good times' (BBC, 2015). Labour, after some twists and turns and with some abstentions, opposed the charter alongside other opposition parties as simply being a parliamentary tactic rather than a commitment to the principles under discussion (BBC, 2015{2}).

The move to introduce the charter has faced criticism, in particular from Green MP Caroline Lucas. Lucas has argued that a surplus simply siphons money out of the economy, that is then patched over with private debt, and that borrowing to invest could stabilise an economy by increasing jobs and tax revenues (CarolineLucas.com, 2015; Sparrow, 2015).

As for the economic theory behind the move? Well, John Maynard Keynes may have had something to say about that.

Keynes clearly agreed with the idea that a national debt was a major obstacle to a healthy economy, with an impact so wide that creditor countries aught to think very carefully about the level of repayments they insist upon (Miller & Skidelsky, 2012). However, he also believed that creditors, as well as debtors, aught to settle their accounts (Inman, 2012).

While not wanting to weaken the commitment of debtors to honouring their debts, Keynes believed that pressure needed to be applied to creditor countries to not build up excessively 'positively' imbalanced trading accounts - even going so far as to suggest large interest payments be paid, into an international investment bank, on a trade surplus.

Keynes' ideas have implications for the broader economy beyond the fiscal, and the obscure world of international trade relations.

The OECD has stressed that income inequality damages an economy, strangling growth by vampirically draining wealth from circulation in the broader economy (OECD, 2014). The money extracted in the accumulation of wealth needs to be replaced. That can lead to the ever accelerating pursuit of economic growth and to an obsession with making an economy 'competitive'. It can also lead to escalating private debt.

When looking to build an economy, the key word to take from Keynes is balance. For Keynes, both a surplus and a deficit should have a clear purpose and an idle commitment to either would be a reckless course to take. Keynes would have agreed with the idea of budgetary and fiscal responsibility, but he would have included within that remit a government using deficit spending to rebuild or improve the economy - rather than the strictly austere contraction of government that the Chancellor is pursuing.