In the final months of 2011, the Occupy movement reached its crescendo. At its peak, the movement had occupied many important, central and highly visible areas of major cities. Since then, however, the movement has disappeared out of the mainstream. Occupy showed exactly how a progressive protest could be mobilised in a highly visible and effective manner, burning bright like a beacon for those disaffected. But it also showed how such a movement can also burn out after only a short while.
Meanwhile, other progressive, leftist, political protests against the economic establishment have rumbled on, quieter and receiving far less attention. The the trade unions have been in the midst of the UK's own anti-cuts, anti-establishment, protests. Even when they have managed to get coverage, they have struggled to find consistent support among activists, protesters, the general public and the political order. If the strike actions of history tell us anything, from May '68 in France to the ongoing Chilean Winter, you need all of these facets to produce comprehensive reform.
This has been particularly demonstrated by the latest round of trade union strikes (Taylor et al, 2014). Trade unions called strike action on 10 July, with over a million public sector workers walking out to protest low pay and zero hour contracts, as well as stagnant public sector pay at a time when the standard of living is falling and the cost of living is rising (O'Grady et al, 2014).
Yet, strike action has not been accompanied by a visible enough progressive, leftist, activism, and the general population remains largely passive. That in particular makes it easy for the trade union strike tactics to be criticised by David Cameron and the Conservatives, who want to put stricter rules on future strikes (Morris, 2014). The Conservatives, whose policies are being protested against, have been criticised by the Liberal Democrats and Labour for wanting a clampdown (Mason, 2014).
Whichever way that political posturing goes, a quick look at history will show that, either way, strikes alone can only apply so much pressure. They need support, and a general comprehension of their plight and of their cause, as part of a vision supported and actively campaigned for across the left (Chessum, 2014).
In France, in the May '68, students and workers held several protests and strikes that coincided, but were not coherent. The combined pressure of both movements managed to force President de Gaulle into calling an election. However the lack of unity among political parties on the left, their lack of connection to the protesters, and the lack of coherence between the protesters and the wider public, especially beyond Paris, resulted in a quite catastrophic defeat for the left.
What the protesters of May '68 did achieve was largely fractured and fragmented, won piecemeal by each of the groups. The workers negotiated a better deal out of the government, increasing pay and reducing working hours, and the students succeeded in winning concessions with regards to the running of a number of universities (Lichfield, 2008).
But the major victory was social. The movement broke new ground for personal freedoms and paved the way for some of the concessionary social legislation that followed (Poggioli, 2008). But comprehensive political change was missed, because the various groups did not pull together to build a coherent vision that sought for all of their concessions within a better framework. They made a statement, but did not launch a debate.
But the major victory was social. The movement broke new ground for personal freedoms and paved the way for some of the concessionary social legislation that followed (Poggioli, 2008). But comprehensive political change was missed, because the various groups did not pull together to build a coherent vision that sought for all of their concessions within a better framework. They made a statement, but did not launch a debate.
The slow success of the Chilean Winter emphasises this point. Still struggling on, after four years, confederations of students, workers and unions are slowly seeing reform. The protests began as a student campaign for the reform of the education system, and slowly expanded into a generally supported push for political reform.
In 2013, that campaign saw the electoral defeat of the political allies of conservative President Sebastián Piñera, with Michelle Bachelet a new socialist President elected, along with a new left-wing alliance (Collyns & Watts, 2013). Among those elected where the prominent figures from the student protests Camila Vallejo, for the Communists, and Gabriel Boric, for the Autonomous Left. Only through persistent, widespread and interlinking activism and support has this, and the other small concessions so far won, been possible (Aljazeera, 2014).
The message is clear: strike action alone is not enough. It is however a strong and visible statement. In order to make a push for real political reform however, rather than just to secure concessions, the visibility and broad inclusiveness, of a movement like Occupy, needs to be combined with a sustained activism. The aim has to be to produce a general comprehension and support of the aims and values of the movement. The strikes are a statement. Next comes the debate.
==========
References:
==========
+ Matthew Taylor, Rowena Mason, Helena Horton & Rebecca Maguire's 'Public-sector strikes: hundreds of thousands join rallies in pay protest'; in The Guardian; 10 July 2014.
+ Frances O'Grady, Felicity Dowling & Stuart Guy's 'Why we are going on strike'; in The Guardian; 10 July 2014.
+ Nigel Morris' 'NUT strike: David Cameron announces crackdown on strike action ahead of mass industrial action'; in The Independent; 9 July 2014.
+ Rowena Mason's 'Vince Cable opposes tightening industrial action law'; in The Guardian; 10 July 2014.
+ Michael Chessum's 'The anti-austerity left is re-emerging. This time it must take root'; in The Guardian; 20 June 2014.
+ John Lichfield's 'Egalité! Liberté! Sexualité!: Paris, May 1968'; in The Independent; 23 February 2008.
+ Sylvia Poggioli's 'Marking the French Social Revolution of '68'; on NPR; 13 May 2008.
+ Patrice de Beer's 'May ‘68: France's politics of memory'; on Open Democracy; 28 April 2008.
+ Dan Collyns & Jonathan Watts' 'Bachelet pledges radical constitutional reforms after winning Chilean election'; in The Guardian; 16 December 2013.
+ Jonathan Franklin's 'Chile's Commander Camila, the student who can shut down a city'; in The Guardian; 24 August 2011.
+ Aljazeera's 'Tear gas used at Chile protest over education'; 12 June 2014.
No comments:
Post a Comment