Better when we're together?

(Update: Just a quick note to let you know that we'll be back in the new year, on Monday 7th January 2013.)

The separatist movements in Scotland (Carrell, 2012) and Catalonia (Guardian, 2012) present a difficult and curious case for the European Union. It must decide whether to support the integrity of present international borders, or the right of peoples to self-determination.

For the separatist countries themselves, the decisions of the European Union on this matter should greatly affect how the public vote in the independence referenda - whether a new small nation has autonomy within a larger federation, or must go it alone, will seriously affect its affluence. For a small nation-state to go it alone will likely mean, in the short term, isolation - resulting in rising costs.

But there are benefits to autonomy. Moving democratic decision-making closer to local communities, along with control of funds raised from local resources and control of taxation can all make democratic representation more direct, and grounded in local needs. If that nation can then secure favourable trade deals with other nations, or additionally gain the solidarity of a larger federal community; being part of local-continental relationship rather than a nation-state can certainly start to look tempting.

A nation with local autonomy and federal solidarity could offer its people everything a nation-state might, but more so. Decisions made closer to those they affect, yet with a much wider legal jurisdiction - making clamping down on things such as tax evasion much easier.

Separatism, with the options it presents, also offer a means of renegotiating relationships between nations - something that will be particularly attractive for peoples that form minority cultures within their present nation-states. For Scotland and Catalonia, in Britain and Spain, this may be doubly so considering the past of imperialist, and more recent centralist, dominance of the majority culture.

In the UK, the right to self-determination for nations has been settled by the UK Government's acknowledgement of the Scottish National Party manifesto, which won majority popular support in 2011, by way of agreeing to hold a referendum (Black, 2012). In Spain the matter is still to be resolved (Tremlett, 2012).

The question now (at least in the UK) is not whether communities have the right to separate and self-govern, but whether it is the right thing to do, based on all of the evidence.

Crucial to answering that question will be the position taken by the EU on statehood for secessionists. And the economic crisis in Europe is serving as a powerful motivator for the EU to present an image of unity, strength and stability to recover market confidence. It may well be that economics will force the EU into offering unfavourable ascension terms, in order to dissuade separatism.

At least for the moment, it seems that the feeling at the European Commission, the EU executive body, is against separatism (BBC, 2012). If that is the case, if the EU shuns separatists, the transition to statehood will be made more difficult due to isolation from the trade and diplomatic status afforded to members. And that will likely encourage voters to use their right to self-determination to maintain the unionist status quo.

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References:
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+ Severin Carrell's 'Scottish independence: the essential guide'; in The Guardian; 16 October 2012.

+ The Guardian's 'Barca-loners: Will breakaway Catalonia fracture Spain?'; 19 November 2012.

+ Andrew Black's 'Scottish independence: Cameron and Salmond strike referendum deal'; on the BBC; 15 October 2012.

+ Giles Tremlett's 'Catalonia joins Scotland in push for 2014 independence vote'; in The Guardian; 13 December 2012.

+ BBC's 'Scottish independence: EC's Barroso says new states need "apply to join EU"'; 10 December 2012.